The International Alliances of the Spanish Section of the Black Panther Party: Leap, History, and the Rupture and boikot of barcelona olympic games. Renata Ondo & Abuy Nfubea

 The International Alliances of the Spanish Section of the Black Panther Party: The International Leap, History, and the Rupture and boikot of Barcelona olympic games.

Renata Ondo  & Abuy Nfubea

The Pan-Africanist movement in Spain emerged from several Afrocentric or Pan-Africanist projects such as the Organized Front of African Youth (FOJA) and the Black Panther Movement. It was influenced by the 1992 Los Angeles riots, the ideas of Black Power, the release of the film Malcolm X, the birth of hip hop, and racist murders such as that of Lucrecia Pérez.

From Móstoles and Alcalá de Henares to the Million Men's March or World Congress of Black Youth in 1998, led by Dr. Khalid Mohamed, an international leap that fostered relations and cooperation in Europe since the Million Men's March of 1995: Great Britain, Portugal, the Netherlands, the Omali Yeshitela newspaper Uhuru Movement, and France, all within the new context of the Fourth International. The creation of an unprecedented Black Pan-Africanist political space in Spain and the Hispanic world, with Equatorial Guinea as the backdrop for the Spanish transition. After the World Cup and Tejero's coup attempt, the movement that most radicalized the Black movement was Free Mandela, led by Winnie Mandela. An important chapter was the campaign for the freedom of the writer Julius Moloise. In 1986, a group of Black students, convened by Maleva and its leader Marcelino Bondjale, along with a minority faction of the PSEUG (Equatorial Guinean University Student Organization) led by Jesús Ndong Abeso and Manuel Nzo, and the most intellectually aware sector of the anti-apartheid struggle, headed by the writer Raquel Ilombe, convened an anti-apartheid assembly at Bravo Murillo 221, the office of lawyer Narciso Djondjo Muadacucu and MOLIFUGE, in response to the assassination of the South African poet Benjamin Moloise by the criminal regime of Peter Botha.

At that assembly, among other things, a decisive action was agreed upon. A week later, this revolutionary vanguard group stormed the apartheid government's tourism office on Madrid's Gran Vía. This heroic action encouraged and inspired a sector of African students from political, labor, artistic, and folkloric movements, while simultaneously creating a crisis and dividing the Spanish anti-apartheid movement into two factions: one activist and the other moderate, led by IEPALA. This radicalized the Black student movement, some of whose leaders were expelled from the Colegio Mayor Nuestra Señora de África (Complutense University of Madrid), imprisoned, and lost their scholarships.

In this same climate of growing awareness, fueled by the rise of Steve Biko's ideas, magazines such as Bioko-Muni and África Negra emerged. The Nobel Prize-winning author Wole Soyinka's lecture in Madrid would spur the struggles for the rights of immigrant workers, spearheaded by leaders such as Reduane Asuik, of the Association of Moroccan Immigrants in Spain (AEME); the unionist Lamin Sagne, who founded the Association of Senegalese Immigrants (AISE); and Florentino Ekomo, who established the Association for the Mediation of Problems of Africans in Spain (AMPAE). Magazines like África Negra, published in Madrid, would emerge, and from Barcelona, ​​Lucrecia and Nguema Emaga would create the magazine Tam-Tam.

As a result of the evolution of the Bondjale solidarity committee, the impunity of Nazi terrorism, and the policies of institutional racism against the third generation, the main gangs and fraternities would be drawn into the political process. The Black Panther Party would emerge with force, drawing from the Labor University and thanks to the cultural power of hip-hop, which arrived through the Black cultural revolution.

The Spanish section of the New Black Panther Party not only marked Black history in Spain: they also forged networks, shelters, training programs, and alliances with other Pan-Africanist organizations from the UK and the US to Latin America. In this context, the Black Panthers explain how they evolved ideologically (from brotherhoods to revolutionary Black nationalism), why they looked to the A Million Men March with Farrakahn, their approach to Gaddafi's Libya (3rd International), and the new Black Panther Party of Spain for their formation; how they related to Chokwe Lumumba's group (New African Peoples' Organization NAPO); the 1993 trip of Dr. Akinyle Umoja and Dr. Makongo Akinyela from the Malcolm X grassroots movement, as well as with Afro groups and organizations in Canada, Jamaica, South Africa, Brazil (UNEGRO, Nkrumist Party, REAJA campaign), and Colombia (Vida Foundation, ecological group, PCM, Roslaba Castillo, and Marcus Garvey's movement in Cali, Dr. Mbolo Etofili); and what traces they left in Latin America up to the 4th Garvey International. The Pan-Africanist movement in Spain emerged from several Afrocentric or Pan-Africanist projects, such as the Organized Front of African Youth (FOJA) and the Black Panthers Movement.

It was influenced by the 1992 Los Angeles riots, the ideas of Black Power, the release of the film Malcolm X, the birth of hip hop, and racist murders such as that of Lucrecia Pérez.

From Móstoles and Alcalá de Henares to the Million Men's March or World Congress of Black Youth in 1998, led by Dr. Khalid Mohamed, it took an international leap that fostered relations and cooperation in Europe following the Million Men's March of 1995: Great Britain, Portugal, the Netherlands, the Uhuru Movement, and France, within the new context of the Fourth International. The creation of an unprecedented Black Pan-Africanist political space in Spain and the Hispanic world, with Equatorial Guinea as the context of Spanish transition, After the World Cup and Tejero's coup attempt, the movement that most radicalized the Black movement was Free Mandela, led by Winnie Mandela. A significant chapter in this movement was the campaign for the freedom of writer Julius Moloise. In 1986, a group of Black students, convened by Maleva and its leader Marcelino Bondjale, along with a minority faction of the PSEUG (Equatorial Guinean University Student Organization) led by Jesús Ndong Abeso and Manuel Nzo, and the intellectual sector most aware of the anti-apartheid struggle, headed by writer Raquel Ilombe, convened an anti-apartheid assembly at Bravo Murillo 221, the office of lawyer Narciso Djondjo Muadacucu and MOLIFUGE, in response to the assassination of South African poet Benjamin Moloise by the criminal regime of Peter Botha.

At that assembly, among other things, a decisive action was agreed upon. A week later, this revolutionary vanguard group stormed the apartheid government's tourism office on Madrid's Gran Vía. This heroic action encouraged and inspired a sector of African students from political, labor, artistic, and folk movements, while simultaneously creating a crisis and dividing the Spanish anti-apartheid movement into two factions: one activist and the other moderate, led by IEPALA. This radicalized the Black student movement, some of whose leaders were expelled from the Colegio Mayor Nuestra Señora de África (Complutense University of Madrid), imprisoned, and lost their scholarships.

In this same climate of growing awareness, fueled by the rise of Steve Biko's ideas, magazines such as Bioko-Muni and África Negra emerged. The Nobel Prize-winning author Wole Soyinka's lecture in Madrid would spur the struggles for the rights of immigrant workers, spearheaded by leaders such as Reduane Asuik, founder of the Association of Moroccan Immigrants in Spain (AEME); the trade unionist Lamin Sagne, who founded the Association of Senegalese Immigrants (AISE); and Florentino Ekomo, who established the Association for the Mediation of Problems of Africans in Spain (AMPAE). Magazines like África Negra, published in Madrid, would emerge, and from Barcelona, ​​Lucrecia and Nguema Emaga would create the magazine Tam-Tam.

As a result of the evolution of the Bondjale solidarity committee, the impunity of Nazi terrorism, and the policies of institutional racism against the third generation, the main gangs or fraternities drew into the political process. The Black Panther Party emerged with force, and from the Labor University, thanks to the cultural power of hip-hop arriving through the Black cultural revolution from the US, other fraternities such as Los Bra (Fermín T-7), Los Colours (Fuenlabrada), Simplemente Hermanos (Pablo Ovono), Radical Black Power (Madrid), West Side or MAN (Barcelona Obiang Nsang), Borikua, and Frente Afro (Zaragoza) arose. This phenomenon of fraternities was not new; rather, since 1987, they had been evolving rapidly as a result of the introduction of Malcolm X's ideas through hip-hop culture and, on the other hand, the impunity of Nazi terrorism, which in 1992 murdered Lucrecia Pérez and later Guillem. Agulló, Afrocentric or Pan-Africanist.

This ideological and doctrinal evolution, maturity, and commitment of a new generation of young people, led by Abuy Nfubea and Javier Siale, Andeme Tomy, Serafín Ondo, and Enrique Okenve, who, after Mandela's release from prison and the incidents of the Nazi terrorist attack on the African restaurant "Bar de Manga" in Móstoles in June 1990, created the Spanish section of the Black Panther Party[1] and quickly spread to cities such as Barcelona, ​​Alcalá, Madrid, Valencia, Alicante, Zaragoza, Gijón, etc. Based on their 12-point program, they advocated armed struggle and self-defense against fascism and brought together the most politically aware Afro youth and student movements linked to Reggae/Hip Hop, who opposed intercultural mediation, far-right terrorism, and the white, patronizing macro-NGOs. Their main campaign was the case of the Black man from Banyoles, as well as a passionate defense of the Haitian doctor and Socialist Party (PSC) councilman, Dr. Alfons Arcelin.

The Black Panthers party were the organization that most determined and influenced Pan-Africanism at all levels: helping to formalize a language and a form of dissent, organizing anger, which created cohesion and thematic unity from the perspective of Black Power. And of all the Pan-Africanist generations, the one that passed through the Black Panthers remains the one that has most consistently remained linked to Pan-Africanism afterward, and that is a significant leap on a historical level. Many people have emerged from the Black Panthers and continued their activism in other areas of the community, and that is the result of work that has yielded extraordinary results.